Reposted by Samuel Bagg
I can say with confidence that this will be (and actually, already is) an incredibly significant contribution to democratic theory. An amazing book!
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That is the core lesson of my book. And it's where my own work is headed next!
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Rather than pursuing the mirage of collective decision-making on perfectly equal terms, those of us aiming to protect & enrich democracy must ask how ordinary people with relatively few resources can effectively organize themselves to contest pervasive capture by powerful elites.
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Of course, building this sort of countervailing power is no easy feat. The book does discuss some inspiring examples, but that is only the beginning of a much larger project. If my argument in the book is right, though, that project should be central to democratic theory.
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The hegemonic groups who reliably capture state power are able to do so because of their superior organizational capacity. To build countervailing power is simply to ensure their opponents have a fighting chance -- thus making it harder for them to get their way every time.
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Finally, the most crucial democratic priority of all is neither a procedural reform nor a substantive policy, but the practice of building countervailing power -- outside of the state -- through orgs like unions, movements, and parties. (see onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/... for more).
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Second, our democratic demands must extend far beyond the procedural realm. In particular, substantive policies to limit the concentration of wealth and power in a few oligarchic hands should be understood as central to sustaining democracy (see journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/... for more)
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On the contrary, we must assume that powerful elites will aim to co-opt whatever institutions we create, and design them with the explicit purpose of minimizing that threat -- while acknowledging that most of the time, we will fail. (see lpeproject.org/blog/two-fal... for more).
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This means a few things. First, democratic reformers are right to demand procedural changes enabling more direct popular input into policymaking and implementation. But in doing so, we cannot trust our intuitive sense that more participation is presumptively more democratic.
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So when we talk about the challenges facing democracy, that is the fundamental problem, which any plausible solution must address. If we want a more egalitarian political order, we can't just change the procedures: we need to shift the underlying balance of power.
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No matter what procedures a society uses to make decisions, the outcomes will reliably reflect the relative power of groups within it. And in all democratic societies today, that balance is extremely skewed -- favoring wealthy elites and various other powerful groups.
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Sometimes, these things really can help. Yet they often do very little, and at times can even make things worse. This is because they target the symptoms of democracy's ailments while ignoring the root cause: ie, pervasive power asymmetries that advantage some groups over others.
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To explain democracy's woes, different versions of the ideal may point to the structure of elections, or the lack of direct popular input, or the unreflective nature of that input -- suggesting solutions like electoral reform, or participatory governance, or renewed deliberation.
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Even more importantly, the ideal of collective decision-making on equal terms doesn't tell us how to make democracy better. Or rather, when it does, it leads us to focus on the wrong things -- namely, the procedures through which we form and express our collective will.
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My book challenges the value of this commonsense ideal. For one, real democracies don't come anywhere close to it -- and they probably never could. So the ideal doesn't explain why basic electoral democracy matters; why it deserves a vigorous defense despite its many flaws.
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The way we usually see it, democracy is about collective decision-making on equal terms. It is a way for people to come together, discuss their options, and make choices about the direction of their society that are both well-informed and fair to everyone involved.
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I wrote it because I couldn't shake the feeling that there is something wrong with the way we think and talk about democracy -- and that this is inhibiting our ability to protect it.
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What's the book about, you ask? The short answer is democracy: what it is, why it matters, and how to make it better.
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Still, my dream is for as many of you as possible to have the sort of experience with my book that I had with the books that shaped me as I was writing it: curled up with a hard copy, pencil in hand, underlining the bits you like and writing angry margin notes about the rest.
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Most people with an institutional affiliation will have access through OUP's online system soon. And for those who don't, the e-book edition will be steeply discounted for the first few months of 2024 -- watch this space for updates, or DM me for other access options.
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It's finally happening. My book has a webpage! And a release date! You can pre-order it! You probably shouldn't, given the price, but if you have a library (or rich uncle), tell them to buy it for you: tinyurl.com/Bagg-OUP-UK in UK (Jan 4) or tinyurl.com/Bagg-OUP-US in US (Mar 4)
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Reposted by Samuel Bagg
It is time.
To the ramparts, comrades.
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